Finding
In these respects, Democratic women candidates’ success in 2018 markedly influenced the political landscape.
Paper
Introduction to the Symposium on “The Role of Gender in the 2018 Midterm Elections”
Citations: 1
Full textAbstract
A record number of women ran for congressional seats and in down-ballot races in the 2018 midterm elections. Across congressional and statewide contests, 2,649 women won their primaries and 1,879 women won their general election races (Center for American Women and Politics [CAWP] 2018). As a result, the 116th Congress includes a record high of 127 women, 47 of whom are women of color. Major gains were made in the U.S. House in particular, which ushered in the largest ever freshman class of women. Big state-level increases in women’s representation were evident in New Hampshire, Texas, and Virginia, and especially Nevada, which elected the nation’s first female-majority legislature. The salience of gender during the election cycle drew comparisons with the 1992 election, which was dubbed the “Year of the Woman” by many media outlets. Much like in 1992, the country was grappling with high-profile sexual harassment scandals. A spate of retirements resulted in an unusually high number of open-seat contests, and an influx of female candidates—especially among Democratic contenders—led to a record increase in the number of women elected to Congress. Yet, 2018 differed markedly from 1992 in other respects. The female candidate pool was a considerably more diverse group, varying in their race and ethnicity, sexual orientation, and immigration status, meaning that many key races required a broader focus than gender alone. Indeed, the concept of intersectionality, where aspects one’s socio-political identities are combined to create unique modes of marginalization and privilege (Crenshaw 1989), were front and center in this election. Women of color set new records, with forty-three members now serving in the U.S. House. Thirteen non-incumbent women of color won seats in 2018, more than doubling the previous record of six in 2012. Notably, five of these women were elected in majority-white congressional districts, challenging past conceptions about where these women can win (Dittmar 2019). Women of color experienced a number of other key “firsts”—Michelle Lujan Grisham was the first Democratic woman of color elected to the governor’s office in New Mexico, and the third woman of color ever to serve as governor (Sanbonmatsu 2020). The first Muslim and Native American women were elected to Congress, and four states elected their first woman of color to Congress. The victories of women candidates in 2018 had greater implications for party control than in 1992. Because many of these candidates were successful at flipping Republican seats, Democrats regained control of the House and elected a female speaker. Democratic women flipped four of seven governorships and fifteen of twenty six other statewide elected executive offices from Republican-held to Democrat-held (Dittmar 2019). In these respects, Democratic women candidates’ success in 2018 markedly influenced the political landscape. This noticeable partisan gap in women’s electoral victories came primarily at the expense of the Republican party. There are currently 106 Democratic women compared to 21 Republican women in the 116th Congress (CAWP 2018). While Democrats gained female elected officers, Republicans lost ten congresswomen, dropping from twenty-three to thirteen. Republican congresswomen are also less diverse. In the 116th Congress, all GOP women are white with the exception of Jaime Herrera Beutler (R-WA). While women have made tremendous gains in achieving elected office, an intersectional analysis provides us with more insight into which women are winning political races. Collectively, these aspects of the 2018 midterm elections raise broader questions about representation, as well as the opportunities and challenges facing efforts to further incorporate diverse perspectives into our nation’s governing institutions; namely—what motivated women to run in 2018? How did they tell their stories to voters? How did voters respond to their candidacies? And, does the surge in women’s political ambitions have staying power, or does it simply represent a historic, yet ephemeral, moment in time that will quickly evaporate? The set 948638 PRQXXX10.1177/1065912920948638Political Research QuarterlyBrown and Cassese research-article2020
Authors
Nadia Elizabeth Brown, Erin C. Cassese
Journal
Political Research Quarterly