Finding
Paper
Citations: 11
Abstract
On 27 July this year, the results of the Tenth National Drug Survey in School Population of Chile were released, showing an increase from 19.5 to 30.6% in the prevalence of last‐year marijuana use among adolescents from 8 to 12th grades [1]. The survey also shows a significant increase in the prevalence of current use, heavy and high‐risk consumption, along with a decrease in the perceived risk of frequent and experimental use (Table1). While the upward trend in consumption had already been observed in previous surveys, the magnitude of the present rise is worrisome and forces us to reflect upon the reasons explaining this phenomenon. Until 2013, Chile had a prevalence of marijuana use in the school population slightly lower than countries such as the United States, Canada, Spain, France and other European countries with a high prevalence [2]. The new results place Chile as the country with the highest prevalence among adolescents in the world; all this in a national and international context in which drug policies are being critically reviewed, including the legalization of marijuana in the states of Colorado, Washington and in Uruguay, a country with a demographic and epidemiological profile similar to Chile. Themain arguments in favour of legalization have been focused on the failure of drug policies based on prohibition and control; legalization to increase control of the substance; the low disease burden of marijuana use in relation to legal drugs; and the principle of individual autonomy [3,4]. Regardless of the arguments, there is consensus that drugs, whatever their legal status, should be prohibited for adolescents. Paradoxically, it is in this population where marijuana consumption has had its largest increase in Chile. There is certainly the possibility that we are not facing a rise in consumption, but simply more honest responses in a context in which the use of marijuana is increasingly accepted. However, it is necessary to ask: how has the discussion about legalizing marijuana for recreational and therapeutic use affected the perceptions and conduct of adolescents; and what might be the impact of these policies upon adolescents' health? Models such as COM‐B (capability, opportunity and motivation interaction to generate behaviour) have put opportunity as a central component of behavioural change, including social opportunity afforded by the cultural milieu which dictates the way in which we think about things [5]. Another hypothesis, linked with physical opportunity, is that pointed out by Volkow etal. in a recent review about the adverse effects of marijuana use, where they raised reasonable doubt as to whether the lower burden of disease attributable to marijuana compared with alcohol and tobacco might be due to their legal status, and hence their lower availability [6]. Nevertheless, this phenomenon appears to be exclusive to marijuana. The other common illicit drugs in Chile are cocaine chlorhydrate and cocaine paste, but both have remained stable over the years, as has the prevalence of alcohol consumption. Conversely, tobacco use has declined monotonically [1], following legal restrictions on sale, tax increases, publicity restrictions, etc. and use that started a decade ago. The Chilean government is currently designing its next national strategy on drugs and alcohol, and the current scenario has driven the revision of the institutional discourse. Certainly, indicators such as national prevalence —which were used in the Drug and Alcohol Strategy for the period 2011–14—seem not to be modifiable with short‐term policies. Perhaps what is required is a longer‐ term strategy that considers the full range of intervention
Authors
Alvaro Castillo-Carniglia
Journal
Addiction